Stó:lô Communities

It is a common assumption of Xwelítem society that "communities" are based on people who live in the same place. In Stó:lô society the community is more broadly defined. It is a network of people who are more connected through ties of kinship and marriage than they are through the place they live. As a way to look at the idea of the Stó:lô community, we will describe the family, the household, the local group and the village. These different parts of the Stó:lô community form the important web or relations that define the Stó:lô social world. ⁽³⁹⁾

Nuclear and Extended Family as Community

The nuclear family (shxwákw'a) was composed of a husband, wife (or sometimes wives), unmarried children, and older parents (grandparents). In Stó:lô society the extended family consisted of one's parents, siblings, grandparents, parent's siblings (aunts and uncles) and their children (first cousins). It was with these people that most of the major economic activities took place. When a family wanted to fish at a weir, the extended family worked together to catch and process the fish. They also commonly participated in conducting ceremonies and feasts. Today, few extended families live in a single household, but they still work together for many of these activities.

The extended family members who owned property together could be called in English a "corporate kin group". This group is a similar to a corporation which is comprised of kin - extended family as distant as third or fourth cousins - who own property in common. These distant relatives often live far apart in separate villages. Some of their property would be productive places to get food like salmon fishing station. Other kinds of commonly owned property include large salmon weirs or massive bird nets which took the combined efforts of a number of families to build, use and maintain. Still further kinds of corporate property include immortal names; ritual activities; ceremonial paraphernalia; and privileges to certain stories, songs, and dances. These things are not material, but are exclusively owned by the corporate kin group. The co-owners would often act together to coordinate food getting at these productive locations.

Household as Community

When the Stó:lô lived in plank houses (s'iltexwáwtxw) and pithouses (skémél), extended family members, such as two or three brothers and their families, lived under one roof. Sometimes more distant relatives or non-relatives would be members of the household, including less wealthy, dependent families and slaves. There might be anywhere up to 25 or 30 people in one household. Membership in a household was fairly fluid. The groups of families could break up and form new households if it got too stressful, crowded or otherwise difficult to live under one roof.

Figure 35: Life in a Coast Salish plank house, painting by Paul Kane (National Gallery of Canada 6923, crIV-550).

Because the household was often made up of several extended family members, it was an important part of one's community. Extended family members often shared food and cooperated for economic activities like obtaining and preparing food. They also worked together to host feasts, gatherings, and spirit dances. The most respected family leader would usually act as the head of the household in matters which concerned them all, but these household heads had little means of enforcing their decisions. The authority of household heads relied a great deal on the respect their family members had for them.

Local Group as Community

Many Stó:lô people can often trace their lineage back to an ancestor who lived in the time of Xexá:ls, the siblings who transformed the world from a largely supernatural place to the way it is today. These ancestral people are often original members of a community. Many were also transformed into important natural resources. George Chehalis and his wife told the following story about the origin of the Máthekwi people: ⁽⁴⁰⁾

Their ancestor Sq'elíy:etl (derived from sqelá:w, beaver) had a son whom he dressed completely in beaver skins, just like himself. When Xá:ls came, they fought by standing opposite each other and trying to transform one another. Finally Xá:ls defeated him, Sq'elíy:etl jumped into the water and thrashed about wildly. He and his son were transformed into beavers.

All people who can trace their ancestry back to these ancient relatives are part of the same "local group". The "local group" was a key part of the Stó:lô community in terms of the sharing of resources. They often live in the same house or village, but are not necessarily members of the same immediate family. Members of local groups do not regard themselves as kin, in the sense of being directly related by blood or marriage. However, they do acknowledge that they are descended from a common "legendary" ancestor. Only members of this group have the right to use names and tell stories which are connected to their ancestor.

This group is important in another sense - in that it connects people to the land and resources. The various ancestors spoken of in the stories were turned into many natural features in or around their ancestral village (like a prominent rock, the cedar tree, eulachon, mountain goat, and so on), by the Transformers, Xexá:ls, in the ancient past. People who see themselves as descendants of these ancient ancestors have a special relationship to the land, trees, and animals, because they are their relatives. ⁽⁴¹⁾

Villages as Community

Villages were often composed of two or more households. Village members cooperated in only major economic ventures such as a deer drive or building a salmon weir. Village members sometimes also worked together to host spiritual gatherings and in times of raids and defense. However, larger villages were often very diverse, and not organized under any formal leadership such as a "village chief". Some villages were so diverse that different dialects would be spoken by different households. This was much less the case in smaller villages, where many people from one extended family lived together in the same village. Because of this most people had to marry outside their village, so not to marry a relative. Marriage is not permitted with anyone related closer than a fourth cousin. This necessity for marrying out of one's village created a community of relatives throughout the Central Coast Salish region - throughout s'ólh témexw.

Like households, villages were fluid in their composition. People moved freely between villages where they had relatives. If there was someone in the village that people did not get along with, it was not uncommon for the entire village to move and leave the troublemaker behind. In 1950, Stó:lô Elder August Jim told anthropologist Wilson Duff about why the people from the village Siyét'e moved up-river to the village of Shxw'whámél: ⁽⁴²⁾

One day the women and children from Siyét'e went to camp 3 or 4 miles north of the village at the food of a mountain to dig roots. The women went out to dig, leaving the children in camp. One woman had left her baby in the care of her small brother. The baby cried and cried despite all the boy's attempts to quieten it, and finally he got angry, made the fire bigger, and pushed the baby into the fire. The other children ran to get the mother, but, when she returned, baby and cradle had been reduced to ashes.

The boy grew up to become a large, strong man, but a trouble-maker. Several times, in fits of anger, he killed people, even visitors from salt-water. The people of Alámex (Agassiz, the whole area) got tired of him and wouldn't speak to him. Finally, in fear of reprisal raids from down-river, and to get away from this man, they decided to move away.

... the Siyét'e people, led by Edward Lorenzetto's great-grandfather, moved up to Shxw'whámél ... The trouble-maker himself moved up-river to Restomore Caves near the mouth of Hunter Creek [just east of Shxw'whámél], and, living there alone, continued his murderous deeds. From a high vantage point, he would watch down the river for the approach of canoes. When one approached, he would enter the water through a tunnel he had dug from the caves, float out under a mat (in imitation of an old mat floating on the river), grasp the bow of the canoe, and overturn it. Then, leaping up on the overturned canoe, he would club the occupants to death as they tried to grasp it for support. This section of the river derives its name wqw'éyles, "watching down-river," from this man.

Stó:lô Social Life

Having described who the Stó:lô are, their economy, technology and concepts of community, I will now turn to Stó:lô social life. I will begin by looking at Stó:lô concepts of kinship (the ideas and terms which define who a person is related to), and personal names (which define who a person is as an individual). I will then describe Stó:lô social inequality. Stó:lô social life was bound by social status, leadership and one's own expertise. High status individuals had very different opportunities than did a captured slave. Feasts, potlatches, exchange and conflict were some of the most important events in a person's social life. Finally I will describe the life-cycle (the usual events which happen in one's life) of an average Stó:lô person living at the turn of the nineteenth century.

Kinship

When a child was growing up, he or she was taught, in great detail, who their relatives were and where they lived. A person who knew who their family was would often be able to recite their family tree back several generations and as distant as their fourth cousin. When a person married, they also had to learn who their in-laws were. Parents also had very important relationships with the parents of their children's spouse. ⁽⁴³⁾

It is sometimes difficult to appreciate the importance of family connections in a culture other than one's own. One way to do this is to examine the system of terms used to refer to relatives in that culture's language (commonly called "kinterms" by anthropologists). Below are charts which show the Halq'eméylem terms for blood relatives and in-laws. Some very significant differences from English can be seen:

At first glance, the terms for blood relatives look like they are used in the same way they are in English. However, there are a few significant differences. The terms for "sibling (brother/sister)" differentiate between older and younger siblings. First cousins are referred to by the same two terms as are used for siblings. Your cousins, in effect, are considered no different than your brothers and sisters. However, when used for "cousin" the term does not depend on whether the first cousin is older or younger than you, but rather whether their parents (your aunt/uncle) are older or younger than your parents. There is no distinction between the terms used to refer to your nephews/nieces and your second cousins. Your grandchildren, your sibling's grandchildren and your cousin's grandchildren are all, likewise, referred to by the same term. The second generation of relatives below you are all your "grandchildren". These kinterms emphasize the importance given to seniority between individuals, and within generations in Stó:lô society. It also highlights the close connections of the extended family. If your cousins are all your brothers and sisters, every person has a very big, close family indeed. ⁽⁴⁴⁾

The kinterms for in-laws look very different from those of blood relatives. They also look very different than the English and other European systems. In English, words for in-laws match the terms for blood relatives: they are symmetrical systems. Recall that the Halq'eméylem terms for blood relatives do not distinguish gender, but do distinguish between generations. The Halq'eméylem terms for in-laws group together different generations and differentiate between genders. The terms you use depend on whether you are male or female. A man's parents-in-law and his brother-in-law are called by the same term. His sister-in-law, however, is called by a different term. There is yet another term for a women's sister-in-law. There is also a unique term for people who are married to your in-laws (ie: the husband of your wife's sister), which is different from the word for the people who are married to your siblings. The kinterms for in-laws shows the importance of acknowledging and respecting the family of your spouse in Stó:lô society.

Stó:lô people recognize their skw'élwés, their child's spouse's parents (co-parent in-law), as an important member of their extended family. There is no corresponding term for this person in English. It is co-parents in-law who exchange gifts at a wedding, and who continue to share food and resources throughout their children's lives. This stretches the bounds of the extended family beyond one's blood relatives and in-laws, to include the in-laws of one's children as well.

These kin relationships form the social foundation of Stó:lô society. People use these kinterms to reflect the importance of their relatives. By recognizing relatives as "distantly" related as co-parent in-law, and as closely related as cousin/sibling, people were able to gain connections to many different resources. Leaders had a wide range of family members who they could call upon in preparing for a potlatch, or to help with getting food from very productive places. Common people would be able to choose which leader they lived with (in the house or village) and put their support behind depending on which member of their extended family was "in" or "out". They would do this by emphasizing some of the kin relations while de-emphasizing others. This flexibility in kin relations created a very large "family network" with whom one has social interactions and obligations spiritually, economically and culturally.

Names and Naming

In Stó:lô culture, formal names are given to a person when they approach adulthood. These "Indian names" are held one's family, passed on through the generations. Many are connected with a respected and honorable ancestor. For example, Th'eláchiyatel was the name of one of the four brothers who were the founding families of the Ts'elxwéyeqw. Chief Richard Malloway received that name from his grandfather, who was a family leader during the early and mid 19th century. A few years after Richard Malloway died, the name was given to his grandson, who continues to carry it today. Both the senior and junior Malloway knew of their obligation when carrying such a prestigious name. They had to behave properly, so not to bring shame to the name and all the ancestors who carried it. Names are not always passed along every second generation like the example given here, but this is not an uncommon practice, for the same name cannot be held by two people at the same time. ⁽⁴⁵⁾

A name is also connected with a place and to resources. A well-respected person who is given a name in one community may also receive a different name within another community. Having names in various communities allows people to access resources in these areas. A person who is well respected in many communities will have several names. This has been explained by Sonny McHalsie: ⁽⁴⁶⁾

An example is my great great-grandfather from Yale. He had a name in Yale, and attached to that name were certain rights, such as where he could fish, where he could go gather berries, and his position in the longhouse. The main emphasis was his access to resources. He also had a name at Semyó:me, and a name across in Duncan. So whenever he went to those places, using his Yale name was useless, especially when he was trying to get access to resources. But having a local name allowed him access to the resources. Those names also had to stay within the locality of their origin. When he moved from Yale to Ruby Creek, he had to host a gathering to pass his name onto his youngest son.

When a person receives a name, their family will host a ceremony to publicly present the name. Family members, friends, and acquaintances are invited to witness the event. At the turn of the last century, local ethnographer Charles Hill-Tout described a traditional naming ceremony. The description he provides varies slightly from those which are practiced today. ⁽⁴⁷⁾

Titular names were bestowed upon their bearers only when they had reached and passed the age of puberty. To show the way in which this was generally done let us suppose a nobleman of standing has a son fifteen or sixteen years of age, on whom he desires to bestow one of the family names or titles. He first goes to the chief..., informs him of his desire and secures his acquiescence and promise of assistance. A date is then fixed for the event and invitations are sent to the neighboring tribes. On the day appointed for the ceremony great numbers of guests come in from the friendly villages around, some also coming from distant settlements if the giver of the feast is well known and of distinguished rank. Preparations have been going on for days past to receive and entertain these visitors. Large quantities of food have been brought together by the host and his kinsfolk; the family treasure-chests have been opened and their contents set in order for distribution at the feast. When all is ready the father of the boy who is to receive the name, the boy himself, and his immediate sponsors, friends and kinsfolk all ascend the roof of the house - the pitch of the roofs always being low and convenient for the purpose - and from this vantage point the proceedings take place. These vary a little from tribe to tribe and from district to district. Commonly the ceremony is opened by the father of the boy dancing one of his family dances - to dance meaning also to sing at the same time. This song dance is probably a more or less dramatic representation of some event, fancied or real, in the life or history of his ancestors, perhaps that which gave rise to the name he is going to bestow upon his son. When this is over a distribution of blankets - the measure of wealth of the coast tribes - is made to honor the names and spirits of his family, it being held dishonorable to speak of or even mention an ancestral name publicly without making gifts. The father now calls about him some thirty or forty of the leading noblemen among his guests to act as sponsors or witnesses of the rank his son will acquire by the name he is about to receive. Two elder men, or preferably two aged chiefs, who know his lineage and ancestry, now bring the youth forward and standing one on either side of him the elder of the two proclaims in a loud voice to the assembled audience that it is the wish and intention of the father of the youth to bestow upon him his paternal grandfather's name or title. At this the people express their assent and pleasure by clapping of hand and shouting. The name is then given to the youth after which another distribution of blankets takes place, special care being taken to give at least one each to all the formal witnesses of the ceremony and to the officiating elders. If the father is wealthy he will throw other blankets among the common-folk to be scrambled for. When this part of the ceremony is over the feasting begins.

People continue to spend a great deal of effort listening to their Elders and studying archival records to learn what their family names . Many of the rights and privileges that come with these names are important today. They include access to fishing or gathering locations, the right to tell particular stories, sing particular songs, and use particular carvings in ceremonies.

Social Status

Social status is the amount of respect, esteem, wealth, privilege, and ultimately influence a person has in society. In Stó:lô society there were great differences in social status. Some people were noblefolk, born into families with wealth, good upbringing and community prestige. Other families were commonfolk, who were not wealthy, had less than proper upbringing and often recieved little respect for having "lost their history". Slaves had the lowest status of all people, being the property of their masters and mistresses.

People gained their personal social standing or rank within these classes by their life achievements. Because of this variety in a person's social ranking, it would have been difficult to distinguish between a common person of high rank and a noble person of low rank. ⁽⁴⁸⁾

Stítsòs (lower-class) families were considered to have had "forgotten or lost their history." They neither had access to inherited privileges, nor as children were they given the proper moral training and advice needed to be successful. It was difficult for a lower-class person to achieve high status and become a respected leader (siyá:m), although not impossible. If a lower-class person acquired the right spirit power to become successful at hunting or fishing, they might gain enough wealth to hold a potlatch, where claims to higher social status could be made.

Skw'iyéth (slaves) were the property of upper-class people. They were considered wealth, and their labour produced additional wealth for their owners. Slaves performed most of the menial tasks required by their owner's family. Upper-class families acquired slaves by raiding other villages, capturing raiders, or purchasing or trading for them at a potlatch. The wealthiest Stó:lô families sometimes owned as many as a dozen slaves. In most instances slaves were well treated.

Status and Expertise

Some people had personal skills or training which gave them status in the community. A woman who was a skilled weaver would be recognized when her weaving were given away at potlatches. A man who could make canoes would gain wealth and status as people bought or traded his canoes. The skilled, expert hunter (tewít) could provide his extended family with much surplus meat, which also increased his status. People would often gain their expertise through the assistance of a guardian spirit (s'elíya) that would come to them, often in a dream or during a secluded fast. A person's s'elíya provides them with powerful assistance and guidance in the skilled work that they do. Thus, having successful relationships with the spirit world is an important way for a skilled person to achieve high social status. Although being a lazy person (s'ú:met) was never rewarded with high status, achieving status was often less important than the status a person had through the family he or she was born in to.

Leadership

Leadership was flexible and was determined by the personal strengths of men and women who were the leaders. Skill, knowledge, good up-bringing and respect all contributed to a person becoming a family leader. Each extended family had a "head" or leader, called siyá:m, who looked after most family affairs. It is not a title like "chief," but rather describes the qualities of respect and leadership an individual has. This person was usually the most respected family member. Elder Edmond Lorenzetto described the personal character traits of a siyá:m to Wilson Duff. ⁽⁴⁹⁾

A siyá:m was a good man who talked to his people to keep them straight and settle rows. He didn't really boss the people around, that is why they liked him, but all the people would take his advice. He talked to the people, telling them what they should do, when they should go hunting or fishing, and they did it. He had to be a good hunter and fisherman himself to be a leader. He was getting food all the time for his people. There might be more than one siyá:m at a place. They would talk things over. Long ago there was no jealousy in them.

A siyá:m had to exchange gifts with their relatives, be good hosts when receiving visiting relatives from other communities, be knowledgeable about practical, economic and spiritual matters, and be able to resolve family disputes when they arose.

Expertise

All Stó:lô people participated in the day-to-day economic life of fishing, hunting, and gathering. Likewise, every member of society -- regardless of gender or age -- took part in social and ceremonial activities. Children learned the knowledge and skills necessary to become productive members of their extended family. Elderly people devoted a great deal of time and energy towards teaching the young. Virtually everyone had the basic skills to get food and be a sociable person.

However, some Stó:lô people became "experts" in certain fields. A person could become an expert hunter (tewì:t), fisher (sth'óth'eqwi), basket-maker, carver, ritualist (syewíl), shaman (shxwlá:m), healer (lhalhewéleq), undertaker, weaver, canoe-maker, house-builder, story teller, or warriors (stóméx). Such "experts" achieved their position through special training. Some got their expertise through the wisdom gained with age. Most people said they relied on the spiritual help they obtained through their guardian spirit for their expertise.

Figure 40. Selisya, an expert weaver spinning wool with spindle whorl at Xwméthkwiyem. (RBCM).

Men and women were more likely to become an expert in their own area. For example, women often became expert basket-makers and weavers, while men were more often hunters or warriors. Both men and women were story-tellers, shamen and healers. Experts could provide their services in exchange for food or some other kind of property. However, people could not get all their food through practicing their expertise full-time. Expert weavers still gathered berries and expert canoe makers still went fishing.

Family Feasts and Giving Feasts (Potlatching)

The most important social institution of Stó:lô people was the feast. Stó:lô people gathered in their plank-houses and pithouses with family and friends to share food and wealth. Sometimes people hosted their in-laws at small family feasts (tl'e'áxel). Other times the host family threw a big potlatch or stl'éleq ("giving feast") where much food and wealth was given away to the guests, who were witnesses to some important event. Sharing food reinforced the bonds and obligations between extended families and provided a place for expression of social status and spiritual life.

Family Feasts (Tl'e'áxel) - Families often visited their in-laws for a family feast. The visiting family would bring some food that they had an abundance of - perhaps lots of smoked salmon - to the house of their in-laws. The host relatives invited other people from their house or village to share this food. During the feast, the hosts called speakers to "thank" their visiting relatives for bringing food. Witnesses are also called and asked to remember the generosity of their in-laws. The visiting family who brought the food to share could expect their in-laws to return the favour in kind some day. They might get a visit a few months later with their in-laws bringing many smoked clams or some other surplus food. ⁽⁵¹⁾

These regular visits to in-laws gave people the opportunity to share their wealth. Good or wealthy families were expected to be generous in giving gifts in "thanks" for food. The more generous a family was, the more prestige and status they gained in the community. Importantly, these feasts served as a sort of "banking" system. The gifts of food and wealth exchanged between families at these events brought non-local or exotic foods into areas where they were normally unavailable. For example, a family who lived at Stsewéthen near the mouth of the Fraser River might have access to clams. They would bring these clams (fresh or dried) to their relatives living upriver, for example at Chawéthel. The shellfish would be accepted by the host family and some other food or gift, perhaps wind-dried salmon, would be given in return at a later date. This banking was important when there was a shortage of resources in a year, or if a family wanted to call in their debts for holding a giving feast, or potlatch.

Potlatching - (Stl'éleq) - Many societies on the Northwest Coast are famous for their extravagant give-aways. The Stó:lô held these events, called stl'éleq in Halq'eméylem, which has the meaning "to give" implied in word. Host families would invite guests from many communities to take part in the event. Guests were usually relatives and important people from non-related families. The event was often held over several days, with the host family providing food (which was collected from the host family and all the in-laws they had "banked" with) and entertainment for the people attending. Contests and sporting events were organized. People sang and played slehà:l in the evenings. ⁽⁵²⁾

Usually there was some kind of "work" to be done, like a naming or marriage. During the work, families would hire a speaker to speak on their behalf. The speaker was usually covered with a blanket across the shoulder to show the respect the family had for him or her. The speaker called witnesses to remember what happened at the event. These witnesses were given a small gift to acknowledge the responsibility they were being given. The speaker then went on to announce the work that was going to be done. Families made claims to names, announced or conducted marriages, honored some deceased ancestor in a funeral or memorial, or made a claim to use some exclusively owned resource (such as a fishing spot or a song). Families who wished to give their work further ceremonial weight organized the sacred masked sxwó:yxwey dance, or syilméxwtses rattle ceremony. ⁽⁵³⁾

Once the work was done and everybody fed, the hosts would hold a "give-away", where the guests were given all kinds of wealth. These ranged from beautifully carved house-posts, to canoes, baskets, blankets, to quantities of preserved food, right down to the dishes and utensils people ate from. Selfish or stingy families were not as well respected (or as high status) as those who wanted to give everything away. Of course, those who had received beautiful gifts in "thanks" for attending the potlatch, could be expected to, at some point in the future, similarly honour their hosts during their own potlatch.

Potlatches were also a time when disputes could be resolved. Parties who had some disagreement would make their claims in front of the witnesses called. Other speakers could get up and challenge the claims being made. The party with the grievance against them often had to give away much of their wealth (either right then or at a future potlatch) to make up for their mistakes and reaffirm their own status and worth.

Exchange

Exchanging of food and resources was an integral part of the practices, culture and traditions of the Stó:lô. Exchange operated on both a local and regional level. Locally, much of the exchange operated through family feasts and informal exchange of goods between close relatives. Potlatches and other large events provided an opportunity to exchanze with people who were more distantly related or who lived further away. A great variety of items were exchanged, from rare stones used in making tools to slaves who were brought far from their home villages.

The Fraser River and its many tributaries were, of course, the major artery for trade among the different Stó:lô communities and between Stó:lô people and their neighbours. However, trails were also made and maintained through mountain passes, providing overland routes to neighbouring river valleys. Stó:lô people often traveled to distant places to visit their relatives and exchange goods, or were hosts to people that came up or down the Fraser River to visit them.

Exotic objects found in Stó:lô archaeological sites provides evidence that items were exchanged over a very wide territory. Scientific tests have shown that obsidian (a rare, natural volcanic glass used for stone tool making) found in archaeological sites on the Fraser River was exchanged from as far away as southeastern Oregon. Dentalia and abalone shells reached Stó:lô territory from the west coast of Vancouver Island and native copper was imported in from either northern Vancouver Island or the Interior. Indian hemp, which was important for making strong ropes, was traded with the groups from the dry Interior. Goods passed from one family to another over these very wide exchange networks.

Figure 42. Dentalia shells obtained from the deep waters off the west coast of Vancouver Island, recently excavated in Stó:lô territory by UBC archaeologists (G. Mohs, 1992).

Conflict

Raids were generally a retaliation for some harm done to a family or individual, or a slave raid on a distant community. Raids were often initiated by men who possessed the spirit power of the hornet or other aggressive animals. Often their own families were afraid of them. As Elder Edmund Lorenzetto explained in 1949, "the leader of a war party was... a cranky person. He don't care, he's on the fight all the time. Most people didn't like him because they couldn't trust him. If he got mad he killed." ⁽⁵⁴⁾

The Stó:lô used their intimate knowledge of the natural environment for defensive purposes. For example, villages were sometimes built on narrow twisting sloughs making them inaccessible to the larger ocean canoes. Wet boggy marshlands around Sumas Lake provided natural defense against strangers, and a giant whirlpool in the Fraser River just below Yale is known to this day as "the protector" because of the way coastal raiders were sucked into it.

During the mid 1800's, the K^wak^wala speaking people of southern Johnstone Strait (called Yéqwelhta in Halq'eméylem) provided the greatest threat to the Stó:lô. They traveled up the Fraser River in their large ocean canoes on slave raids, capturing women and children from numerous Stó:lô villages, and killing many others in the process. Although raiding ended in the mid-19th century, as late as the 1940's people still bore resentment against decedents of those who had raided their village in the previous century.

Figure 43. Warriors landing on a village, painting by Paul Kane (Stark Foundation wwc54, crIV-515).

Life Cycle - Birth, Childhood, Adolescence, Adulthood, Death

The "life cycle" is the normal course of events which people in any culture go through. The specific life histories of individuals varies from person to person, but there are general trends which can be followed for most people in a culture. This kind of description of a life cycle is intended to give an idea of what life is like for people at various stages of their lives. It documents what roles people play at different ages, and some of the differences in roles between men and women at a single age. However, this kind of description misses much of the richness and variety in a person's life. It tends to be very "normal", and often fails to acknowledge so many experiences people have. Thus, the following description should be taken as a kind of "thumb-nail sketch" of the lives of Stó:lô people in the early to middle 1800's. ⁽⁵⁵⁾

Birth - Births occurred in the home with the aid of a trained mid-wife. All family members were required to leave the house while the woman was in labour. After their birth, babies were swathed tightly and placed in a cradle. Prior to the early 19th century, boards were frequently used to carefully shape an infant's skull. This cranial deformation did not physically harm a child, and children would grow up with distinctively shaped heads. To mark a birth, high-status families held special ceremonies where sxwó:yxwey dancers performed, meals were shared, and gifts exchanged. All babies were given pet names and presented with proper names later in life.

Childhood - Spiritual "training" stared early in life. Children were awakened before dawn and sent to a spot in a river or creek to take a cold bath. They spent a lot of time with their grandparents, who raised them while their parents were away fishing, gathering, or hunting. They were taught their family history, moral behavior, and given "advice" on becoming a good adult.

Adolescence - The passage from childhood into adolescence was formally marked with a puberty ceremony. For a boy, this occurred at the first sign that his voice was changing, or after he made his first kill hunting game. A girl was given a ceremony when she had her first menstrual period. Both ceremonies involved seclusion with Elder family members, who provided them with more formal training, and determined which ancestor they most closely resembled in temperament and personality. It was believed that their ancestor's spirit was "working" with the child. The seclusion and training process was followed by a public ceremony where the corporate kin group would recognize the child's changed status. At the puberty ceremony the adolescence usually received the proper name of their ancestor they most resembled.

Throughout adolescence, people continued their training. They were taught the skills required in life, such as fishing, hunting, gathering, tool making, basket weaving, and carving. Towards the end of adolescence, they often went on their "spirit quest." This was a very important event in someone's life, where he or she received a "guardian spirit" which would help them throughout their life.

Adulthood - A person entered adulthood when they received an adult name. A high-status person received several names throughout their life, often being given a different name by relatives who lived in other villages. The lives of adults were rich in their diversity. The spring, summer, and fall were primarily occupied by participating in subsistence activities, while winters were spent engaging in ceremonial life and fulfilling family ritual responsibilities. For example, many people concentrated on the training and nurturing of their spiritual powers during the winter.

Stó:lô marriages occurred at a relatively younger age than in contemporary Canadian society. After preliminary negotiations between families, the boy was sent to the home of a girl of equal status (usually in another village). His arrival was regarded as an official marriage offer. The boy sat outside the girl's home for three days and nights, and was totally ignored by everyone, while the girl's family deliberated on the marriage proposal. If after three days the girl and her family were in agreement, the boy was invited into the house for a meal. If not, the boy was sent home. Marriage ceremonies were celebrated by a large gathering, and involved a cleansing ceremony which often included masked sxwó:yxwey dancers. Parents exchanged gifts at this time, including non-material items like the right to use names or access fishing locations.

Older upper-class people were treated with a great deal of respect, and listened to for their knowledge and wisdom. They also had many responsibilities involved with the raising and teaching of their grandchildren and passing down of information.

Philosophies and Beliefs - Oral Traditions & Spirituality

Oral Traditions

The Stó:lô expressed their understanding of the world through oral narratives. These traditions were key to knowing who a person was and how they fit into the physical, social, and spiritual world. Oral narratives took two distinct forms -- sqwélqwel, "true stories or news," and sxwxwiyám, "stories from the Transformer period." Sqwélqwel were frequently stories about a person's life history. They could also be recollections of recent historical events that they or people they knew would recall. Sxwxwiyám are often referred to as "legends." Sxwxwiyám relate a great number of stories from the mythical past when the world was different, and humans and animals transformed back and forth. These are the stories of the Mink, Beaver, Mouse, Frog, Skunk, Crane, and other characters. During this age the Xexá:ls, the Transformers (referred singularly as Xá:ls), traveled through the land permanently transforming these legendary beings into rocks and animals, creating the world as it exists today. These stories embodied the teachings, history, knowledge and collective wisdom of Stó:lô culture. ⁽⁵⁶⁾

Spirituality

Stó:lô people are taught to respect the spirit world and everything on earth. Teachings also emphasize the importance of giving respect to other people's beliefs. Stó:lô spirituality takes many forms. Today, it is most formally expressed in the winter dance ceremony. Many hundreds of Stó:lô people participate in the winter dance, which is held in plank house-style buildings commonly called "smokehouses." ⁽⁵⁷⁾

Becoming a winter dancer involves a lifetime commitment and dedication to spiritual beliefs. As such, it is taken very seriously, and not everyone becomes a "dancer." Once committed to leaving their old lives behind, they are under the care and guidance of a spiritual leader for the duration of the winter season. New dancers spend the first few weeks secluded in a "tent" made of blankets, and most of their time praying, fasting, and connecting with the spirit. Because of their seclusion, limitation of activities, and required special training to help deal with their new spiritual existence, they are referred to as "babies." They must be committed to abstaining from alcohol and drugs, and all other "outside" influences and activities. Most of their time is spent close to nature. In particular, much of the daytime is spent in the mountains, beginning with a bath and then meditating, and walking in the woods and along the streams. The rest of the time they stay in the smokehouse, and at times, traveling to other smokehouses to sing, dance, and learn from their Elders. After receiving their song, when the song and spirit are new to them, they require constant guidance and training by more experienced dancers about the proper way to care for and understand "what they have." For the remaining season, new dancers strengthen their spiritual knowledge and understanding by singing, dancing, and learning from their spiritual leaders.

In subsequent winters seasons, when they have more experience with their spirit, dancers will not necessarily need to sing their song every night, but they do return to the smokehouse to further learn about their new life and assist new initiates. The teaching learned in the smokehouse is about helping one another, and helping those who come to the smokehouse to understand more about the spiritual teachings of our Elders and how to put these teachings into everyday living.

Stó:lô Traditional Culture Today and in the Future

This short "ethnography", or account of traditional Stó:lô culture does little to demonstrate the vibrant culture of people today. We may ask, "are Stó:lô people still living as they did 200 years ago?", "have the Stó:lô assimilated into Canadian society?" A visit to an Indian reserve or a look through any local newspaper will answer "no" to both these questions. The culture is neither static nor unchanged. Stó:lô cultural practices continue to shift and change while at the same time Stó:lô traditions provide a strong link with the land and the past. Present-day Stó:lô leaders are providing direction for the future that is based upon their traditional culture. They are trying to re-create healthy communities, to restore cultural values, and to promote the rights and freedoms that Aboriginal people have been guaranteed under the Canadian Constitution. Stó:lô traditional culture continues to provide a way for Stó:lô people to understand and live in the contemporary world. ⁽⁵⁸⁾

Suggested Reading:

Pamela Amoss Coast Salish Spirit Dancing: The Survival of an Ancestral Religion. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1978).

Geraldine Appleby Tsawwassen Legends. unpublished typescript (Vancouver: U.B.C. Special Collections, 1961).

Homer Barnett The Coast Salish of British Columbia. Studies in Anthropology 4 (Eugene: University of Oregon Press, 1955).

Homer Barnett "The Coast Salish of Canada" American Anthropologist 1939 40:118-141.

Crisca Bierwert Tracery in the Mistlines: A Semiotic Account of Sto:lo Culture. PhD Dissertation, (Seattle: University of Washington 1986).

Franz Boas "The Indian Tribes of the Lower Fraser River", Report of the 64th Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1894, Pp. 454-463.

Franz Boas, Indian Myths and Legends from the North Pacific Coast of America. Translated from Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. by Dietrich Bertz, edited by Randy Bouchard and Dorothy Kennedy (Victoria: B.C. Indian Language Project, 1982 (1895)).

Randy Bouchard and Dorothy Kennedy "Tsawwassen Ethnography and Ethnohistory" in Archaeological Investigations at Tsawwassen, B.C. edited by Arcas Consulting (Port Coquitlam: Arcas Consulting Ltd, 1991).

Helen Codere "The Swai'xwe Myth of the Middle Fraser River: The Integration of two Northwest Coast Cultural Ideas", Journal of American Folklore 1948 61(239):1-18.

Wilson Duff, The Upper Stalo Indians of the Fraser Valley, British Columbia. (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum, 1952).

Norman Feder "Incised Relief Carving off the Halkomelem and Straits Salish" American Indian Art Magazine 1983 8(2):46-53.

Brent Galloway "An Upriver Halkomelem Mink Story: Ethnopoetics and Discourse Analysis", Papers for the 31st International Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages, Vancouver 1996.

Brent Galloway A Grammar of Upriver Halkomelem. Publications in Linguistics 96 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

Brent Galloway, Albert Phillips and Coqualeetza Elders Group "Stó:lô Geographical Place Names File", unpublished ms. (Sardis: Stó:lô Nation Archives, 1976-1979).

Brent Galloway Upper Stó:lô Ethnobotany. (Sardis: Coqualeetza Education Training Center, 1982)

Brent Galloway Tó:lméls ye Siyelyólexwa: Wisdom of the Elders (Sardis: Coqualeetza Education Training Center, 1980).

Paula Gustafson Salish Weaving. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1980).

Charles Hill-Tout "Curious and Interesting Marriage Customs of Some of the Aboriginal Tribes of British Columbia", American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal 1902 24:85-87.

Charles Hill-Tout The Salish People, Volume III: The Mainland Halkomelem. edited by Ralph Maud (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1978).

Charles Hill-Tout "The Salish Tribes of the Coast and Lower Fraser Delta", Ontario Provincial Museum Annual Archaeological Report 1905 12:225-235.

Diamond Jenness Faith of a Coast Salish Indian. Memoirs in Anthropology Number 3 (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum, 1955).

Diamond Jenness"Coast Salish Mythology", VII-G-9M, Box 39, F.1, (Hull: Canadian Museum of Civilization 1934-1935).

Wolfgang Jilek Indian Healing: Shamanic Ceremonialism in the Pacific Northwest Today. (Surrey: Hancock House, 1992).

Elizabeth Johnson and Kathryn Bernick Hands of Our Ancestors: The Revival of Salish Weaving at Musqueam. Museum of Anthropology Note 16 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1986).

Michael Kew Coast Salish Ceremonial Life: Status and Identity in a Modern Village. PhD Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, (Seattle: University of Washington, 1970).

Michael Kew Sculpture and Engraving of the Central Coast Salish. Museum of Anthropology Note 9 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980).

Michael Kew and Della Kew "'People Need Friends, It Makes Their Minds Strong': A Coast Salish Curing Rite", in The World is as Sharp as a Knife: An Anthology in Honour of Wilson Duff. Edited by Donald Abbott (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum, 1981).

Michael Kew "Central and Southern Coast Salish Ceremonies Since 1900", in Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, Northwest Coast. edited by Wayne Suttles (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990).

Eleanor Leacock "The Seabird Community" in Indians of the Urban Northwest. edited by Marian Smith (New York: AMS Press, 1949).

Norman Lerman Folktales of the Lower Fraser. unpublished ms. (Sardis: Stó:lô Nation Archives, 1955).

Leslie Lincoln Coast Salish Canoes. (Seattle: Center for Wooden Boats, 1991).

Lynn Maranda Coast Salish Gambling Games National Museum of Man Mercury Series. Canadian Ethnology Service Paper No. 93 (Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1984).

Sonny McHalsie and Brian Thom "Halq'eméylem Place Names File", unpublished ms. (Sardis: Stó:lô Nation Archives, 1994-1996).

Donald Mitchell "Prehistory of the Coasts of Southern British Columbia and Northern Washington", Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, Northwest Coast. edited by Wayne Suttles (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990).

Gordon Mohs, "The Upper Sto:lo Indians of British Columbia: An Ethno-Archaeological Review", unpublished ms. (Sardis: Stó:lô Nation Archives, 1990).

Hank Pennier Chiefly Indian: The Warm and Witty Story of a British Columbia Half Breed Logger. (West Vancouver: Graydonald Graphics, 1972).

Joanne Schriver and Eleanor Leacock "Harrison Indian Childhood" in Indians of the Urban Northwest. edited by Marian Smith (New York: AMS Press, 1949).

Marian Smith "The Nooksack, the Chilliwack, and the Middle Fraser", Pacific Northwest Quarterly 1950 4(1):330-241.

Marian Smith "House Types of the Middle Fraser River", American Antiquity 1947, 12(4):225-267.

Hilary Stewart Cedar. (Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1984).

Hilary Stewart Indian Fishing. (Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1977).

Hilary Stewart Stone, Bone, Antler and Shell: Artifacts of the Northwest Coast. (Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1996).

Wayne Suttles "Spirit Dancing and the Persistence of Native Culture among the Coast Salish" (1987), in Coast Salish Essays. (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987) Pp. 199-208.

Wayne Suttles "Linguistic Evidence for Burrard Inlet as Former Halkomelem Territory", papers for the 31stInternational Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages, Vancouver 1996

Wayne Suttles "The Shed-Roof House", in A Time of Gathering. edited by Robyn Wright (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991) p. 212-222.

Wayne Suttles, "Persistence of Intervillage Ties Among the Coast Salish" (1963), in Coast Salish Essays. (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987) Pp. 209-232.

Wayne Suttles: "Linguistic Means for Anthropological Ends on the Northwest Coast" (1965), in Coast Salish Essays. (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987) Pp. 248-255

Wayne Suttles "Affinal Ties, Subsistence and Prestige Among the Coast Salish" (1960), in Coast Salish Essays. (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987) Pp. 16-25.

Wayne Suttles "Private Knowledge, Morality and Social Classes among the Coast Salish" (1958), in Coast Salish Essays. (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987). Pp. 1-15.

Wayne Suttles "The Halkomelem Sxwayxwey", American Indian Art Magazine 1982 8(1):56-65.

Wayne Suttles "Productivity and its Constraints - A Coast Salish Case" (1987,) in Coast Salish Essays. (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987) Pp. 100 - 136.

Wayne Suttles "Central Coast Salish Subsistence" Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 1990 24(2):147-152.

Wayne Suttles "Central Coast Salish", in Handbook of North American Indians Volume 7, Northwest Coast. Edited by Wayne Suttles. (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990).

Wayne Suttles Katzie Ethnographic Notes. Anthropology in British Columbia Memoir 3 (Victoria: Royal British Columbia Museum, 1955).

James Tait "Tales from the Lower Fraser River", in Folk-Talkes of the Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes. edited by Franz Boas (New York: American Folk-Lore Soceity, 1917).

Brian Thom in collaboration with Edna and Frank Malloway, "Telling Stories: the Life History of Chief Richard Malloway." unpublished ms. (Sardis: Stó:lô Nation and U.B.C. Department of Anthropology and Sociology, 1994).

Kevin Washbrook An Introduction to the Ethnobotany of the Stó:lô People In the Area between New Westminister and Chilliwack on the Fraser River. unpublished ms. (Sardis: Stó:lô Nation Archives, 1995).

Ellen Webber "An Old Kwanthum Village - Its People and Its Fall", American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal 1899 21:309-314.

Oliver Wells Salish Weaving Primitive and Modern. (Sardis, 1970).

Oliver Wells Myths and Legends of the STAW-loh Indians of South Western British Columbia. (Sardis, 1970).

Oliver Wells The Chilliwacks and Their Neighbours. (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987).

1. There have been a number of "classic" works by anthropologists about traditional Stó:lô culture. Although many of these writings reflect as much about the time and cultures of the anthropologists themselves, they are for the most part, worthwhile. For specific ethnographic descriptions of Stó:lô traditional culture see Franz Boas "The Indian Tribes of the Lower Fraser River", Report of the 64th Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1894, Pp. 454-463; Randy Bouchard and Dorothy Kennedy "Tsawwassen Ethnography and Ethnohistory" in Archaeological Investigations at Tsawwassen, B.C. edited by Arcas Consulting (Port Coquitlam: Arcas Consulting Ltd, 1991); Wilson Duff, The Upper Stalo Indians of the Fraser Valley, British Columbia. (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum, 1952); Charles Hill-Tout The Salish People, Volume III: The Mainland Halkomelem, edited by Ralph Maud (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1978); Hill-Tout "The Salish Tribes of the Coast and Lower Fraser Delta" Ontario Provincial Museum Annual Archaeological Report No. 12, 1905 Pp. 225-235; Marian Smith "The Nooksack, the Chilliwack, and the Middle Fraser" Pacific Northwest Quarterly Vol 4, Number 1, 1950 Pp. 330-241; Wayne Suttles "Katzie Ethnographic Notes" (Victoria: Anthropology in British Columbia Memoir 3, 1955); Ellen Webber "An Old Kwanthum Village - Its People and Its Fall", American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal Vol 21, 1899, Pp. 309-314. For excellent general discussions of Central Coast Salish culture, including the Stó:lô see Homer Barnett The Coast Salish of British Columbia (Eugene: University of Oregon Monographs Studies in Anthropology 4, 1955); Barnett "The Coast Salish of Canada" American Anthropologist Vol 40, Pp. 118-141; Wayne Suttles "Central Coast Salish" in Handbook of North American Indians Volume 7, Northwest Coast. Edited by Wayne Suttles. (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990);

2. For oral traditions surrounding the origin of Stó:lô people see Diamond Jenness Faith of a Coast Salish Indian (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum Memoirs in Anthropology Number 3, 1955). For discussions of the archaeology of the Stó:lô and their neighbors see Donald Mitchell "Prehistory of the Coasts of Southern British Columbia and Northern Washington" Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, Northwest Coast edited by Wayne Suttles (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990) Pp. 340-358.

3. Duff, 1952 p. 11.

4. Halq'eméylem is spoken fluently by very few people today. Conscious efforts by the government and missionaries to assimilate Stó:lô people during the past century forced many children to stop speaking it while they attended residential school. Although several efforts have been made at language revival, there is a crisis in language today, with the real possibility of the upriver dialect of Halq'eméylem becoming extinct within a generation. The work of linguist Brent Galloway presents some grammar and vocabulary of Halq'eméylem: Tó:lméls ye Siyelyólexwa: Wisdom of the Elders (Sardis: Coqualeetza Culture and Education Center, 1980); A Grammar of Upriver Halkomelem (Berkeley: University of California Publications in Linguistics 96, 1993).

5. A language family is a groups of languages that share a common origin.

6. The names from these languages have been given, where possible, in the orthography used by the speakers of those languages. The names in brackets are the simplified English names for these languages. Éy7á7juuthem (Comox Salish) is found in Dorothy Kennedy and Randy Bouchard Sliammon Life, Sliammon Lands (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1983); Shashishalhem (Sechelt) in Ronald Beaumont She shashishalhem The Sechelt Language (Penticton: Theytus Books, 1985); Snichim (Squamish) in Aert Kuipers The Squamish Language: Grammar, Texts, Dictionary, Janua Lingaurum Series Practica 73, 1967; Lk'^wín in Timothy Montler "Languages and Dialects in Straits Salishan", Papers for the 31st International Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages, 1996; Senoen in Dave Elliott, Saltwater People, (Saanich: School District 63, 1983); Xwlemichosen from Timothy Montler, linguist University of Texas, personal communication 1996; Dx^wlšucid (Lushootseed) in Dawn Bates, Thom Hess, Vi Hilbert Lushootseed Dictionary, (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994); Tuwa'duxqucd (Twana) in William Elmendorf The Structure of Twana Culture (1960) (Pullman: Washington State University Press, 1992); Lhéchelesem (Nooksack) from Brent Galloway, linguist University of Regina, personal communication; and Nx^ws'ay'm'u'cn (Klallam) in Timothy Montler "Languages and Dialects in Straits Salishan", Papers for the 31st International Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages, Vancouver 1996.

7. Laurence Thompson and M. Dale Kinkade, "Languages", in Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, Northwest Coast, (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990), Pp. 30-51.

8. See Dorothy Kennedy Looking for Tribes in all the Wrong Places: An examination of the Central Coast Salish Social Network, M.A. Thesis, Department of Anthropology (Victoria: University of Victoria, 1995).

9. Brent Galloway, Albert Phillips and Coqualeetza Elders Group "Stó:lô Geographical Place Names File", Ms. Stó:lô Nation, 1976-1979. Sonny McHalsie and Brian Thom "Halq'eméylem Place Names File", ms. Stó:lô Nation, 1994-1996; Wayne Suttles "Linguistic Evidence for Burrard Inlet as Former Halkomelem Territory", papers for the 31st International Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages, Vancouver 1996; Galloway, 1993.

10. Gordon Mohs, "The Upper Sto:lo Indians of British Columbia: An Ethno-Archaeological Review", unpublished ms. (Sardis: Stó:lô Nation, 1990).

11. Diamond Jenness recorded this from Old Pierre and published it in Faith of a Coast Salish Indian, (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum Anthropology in British Columbia Memoir 3, 1955).

12. This was recorded by Diamond Jenness in 1934-1935 and are printed in his unpublished manuscript "Coast Salish Mythology", VII-G-9M, Box 39, F.1, Canadian Museum of Civilization.

13. Chief Frank Malloway in conversation with Heather Myles and Tracey Joe, transcript on file at (Sardis: Stó:lô Nation, 1996).

14. See Wayne Suttles "Central Coast Salish Subsistence" Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 24(2):147-152 1990 for a good description of food and community life.

15. Wayne Suttles "Private Knowledge, Morality and Social Classes among the Coast Salish" (1958) and "Affinal Ties, Subsistence and Prestige Among the Coast Salish" (1960), both on Coast Salish Essays by Wayne Suttles (Vancouver: Talonbooks 1987).

16. Wilson Duff, 1952; Wayne Suttles "Central Coast Salish", 1990. See Hilary Stewart Indian Fishing (Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1977) for an excellent general discussion of Aboriginal fishing practices on the Northwest Coast.

17. A leister is a kind of spear specifically designed for salmon fishing, with two barbed side-prongs and a shorter central point attached to a fixed head. This arrangement caught and held salmon very efficiently. Harpoons take salmon by means of thrusing a detachable point into the body of the fish and pulling it in. A gaff is a large, curved barb fixed on a pole used to hook fish and pull them in.

18. The following information comes mainly from Sonny McHalsie, personal communication, 1995. See also Duff, 1952.

19. Jenness, 1934-1935.

20. Duff, 1952 p.71-72; Suttles, "Central Coast Salish", 1990.

21. Sonny McHalsie, personal communication, 1995.

22. Sonny McHalsie, personal communication, 1995.

23. Suttles, "Central Coast Salish" 1990; Duff ,1952.

24. Two excellent pieces have been written on Stó:lô traditional use of plants: Brent Galloway Upper Stó:lô Ethnobotany (Sardis: Coqualeetza Education Training Center, 1982); Kevin Washbrook An Introduction to the Ethnobotany of the Stó:lô People In the Area between New Westminister and Chilliwack on the Fraser River ms. prepared for Stó:lô Nation and Parks Canada, 1995.

25. Jenness, 1934-1935, p. 66.

26. For a discussion of Central Coast Salish Art see Norman Feder "Incised Relief Carving off the Halkomelem and Straits Salish" American Indian Art Magazine 8(2):46-55, 1983; Michael Kew Sculpture and Engraving of the Central Coast Salish, University of British Columbia, Museum of Anthropology Note 9, 1980; Wayne Suttles "Productivity and its Constraints - A Coast Salish Case" in Coast Salish Essays, 1987, Pp. 100 - 136.

27. For an excellent general discussion of cedar woodworking and weaving on the Northwest Coast, with specific Coast Salish examples, see Hilary Stewart Cedar, (Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1984).

28. Hilary Stewart has another excellent discussion artifacts in her book Stone, Bone, Antler and Shell: Artifacts of the Northwest Coast (Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1996).

29. For information on Salish Weaving see Paula Gustafson Salish Weaving, (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1980); Elizabeth Johnson and Kathryn Bernick Hands of Our Ancestors: The Revival of Salish Weaving at Musqueam. (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, Museum of Anthropology Note 16, 1986); Oliver Wells Salish Weaving Primitive and Modern (Sardis 1970).

30. An excellent account of the canoes used by the Stó:lô and their neighbors can be found in Leslie Lincoln Coast Salish Canoes. (Seattle: Center for Wooden Boats, 1991).

31. Galloway, 1993, p. 589.

32. Malloway, 1996.

33. Duff, 1952, p. 47-48.

34. An excellent discussion of plank houses can be found in Wayne Suttles "The Shed-Roof House" in A Time of Gathering, edited by Robyn Wright (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991) p. 212-222.

35. Marian Smith gives a useful description and comparative account of pithouses based on her 1938 work with Bob Joe of Chilliwack and Jack Jimmy of Nooksack in her article "House Types of the Middle Fraser River", American Antiquity 1947, 12(4):225-267.

36. A detailed description of summer dwellings can be found in Homer Barnett, The Coast Salish of British Columbia, (Eugene: University of Oregon Monographs, Studies in Anthropology Number 4, 1955), p. 40.

37. W. Kaye Lamb (ed) The Letters and Journals of Simon Fraser, 1806-1808. (Toronto: Macmillian Co. of Canada, 1960).

38. Xwméthkwiyem fortified house information from Michael Kew, personal communication 1996; Shwx'whámél pithouse information from Sonny McHalsie, personal communication 1996.

39. Wayne Suttles, "Persistence of Intervillage Ties Among the Coast Salish" (1963) in Suttles 1987, p. 209-232; See also Eleanor Leacock "The Seabird Community" in Indians of the Urban Northwest edited by Marian Smith (New York: AMS Press, 1949).

40. Franz Boas, Indian Myths and Legends from the North Pacific Coast of America, Translated from Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte by Dietrich Bertz, edited by Randy Bouchard and Dorothy Kennedy (Victoria: B.C. Indian Language Project, 1982) (1895).

41. It is interesting to note that the "local group" corresponds with the "named village group" for all of the Stó:lô living below Chilliwack, each group having their own stories about their connection to a common ancestor. Duff (1952:85) mentions that the Ts'elxwéyeqw, Peló:lhxw and Teltít "named village groups" do not have oral traditions of being descended from a common legendary ancestor. The Ts'elxwéyeqw recall their connection to four brothers who lead their villages in the move from the Chilliwack River Valley. Individual villages in the Peló:lhxw and Teltít "named village groups" have their own origin stories, (for example Shxw'whámél has a tradition of being related to sturgeon, Lexwchíyò:m has a tradition of being related to mountain goat). Thus, how a community related to the land and resources depended on where a person lived, and the history of that community.

42. Duff, 1952, p. 42.

43. This section relies heavily on the insights of two articles by Wayne Suttles: "Linguistic Means for Anthropological Ends on the Northwest Coast." (1965) Coast Salish Essays (Vancouver: Talonbooks), 1987, Pp. 248-255; and (1960), 1987, Pp. 15-25.

44. It should be noted here that in Halq'eméylem you must always use a marker to indicate the gender (ie: male or female) and the position (ie: present visible, nearby invisible, remote or non-existent) of your relatives. Thus your younger brother who is in front of you would be te le sqá:q "my younger brother whom you see before you", and so on. Having to add these markers to each kin term makes this a very large and complex structure. (See Suttles, 1987, Pp. 251-252).

45. Brian Thom in collaboration with Edna and Frank Malloway, "Telling Stories: the Life History of Chief Richard Malloway." Ms. on file, Stó:lô Nation and U.B.C. Department of Anthropology and Sociology, 1994.

46. Sonny McHalsie, personal communication 1995.

47. Hill-Tout, 1905. Pp. 225-235.

48. An excellent discussion of social status in Central Coast Salish communities can be found in Barnett, 1955, Pp. 241-247.

49. Duff, 1952 p. 80.

50. A good discussion of shxwlá:m and other spiritual leaders can be found in Michael Kew Coast Salish Ceremonial Life: Status and Identity in a Modern Village. PhD Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, (Seattle: University of Washington, 1970) p. 225.

51. A very insightful discussion of the importance of feasting with your in-laws can be found in Wayne Suttles (1960), 1987, Pp.15-25.

52. See Lynn Maranda Coast Salish Gambling Games National Museum of Man Mercury Series, Canadian Ethnology Service Paper No. 93 (Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1984) for a discussion of slehà:l and other games played at potlatches.

53. See Wayne Suttles "The Halkomelem Sxwayxwey" American Indian Art Magazine 1982 8(1):56-65 for a description and discussion of this important ceremony.

54. See Wilson Duff's unpublished field notes (copy at Stó:lô Nation Archives, Sardis). See also Duff,1952, p. 96.

55. Another excellent description of this life-cycle can be found in Diamond Jenness chapter "The Cycle of Life", 1955 Pp. 75-85; Charles Hill-Tout "Curious and Interesting Marriage Customs of Some of the Aboriginal Tribes of British Columbia" American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal Vol 24, 1902 Pp. 85-87; Joanne Schriver and Eleanor Leacock "Harrison Indian Childhood" in Indians of the Urban Northwest edited by Marian Smith (New York: AMS Press, 1949) Pp. 195-242; Suttles, "Central Coast Salish", 1990;

56. See chapter "Spoken Literature", this volume for more information. Excellent accounts of Stó:lô oral narratives can be found in Geraldine Appleby Tsawwassen Legends (Vancouver: Typescript, U.B.C. Special Collections, 1961); Boas, 1895; Helen Codere "The Swai'xwe Myth of the Middle Fraser River: The Integration of two Northwest Coast Cultural Ideas" Journal of American Folklore 1948 61(239):1-18; Duff, 1952; Brent Galloway "An Upriver Halkomelem Mink Story: Ethnopoetics and Discourse Analysis", Papers for the 31st International Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages, Vancouver 1996; Hill-Tout, 1978; Jenness, 1955; Norman Lerman Folktales of the Lower Fraser (Sardis: typescript on file Stó:lô Nation Archives, 1955); Hank Pennier Chiefly Indian: The Warm and Witty Story of a British Columbia Half Breed Logger (West Vancouver: Graydonald Graphics, 1972); James Tait "Tales from the Lower Fraser River" Folk-Talkes of the Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes edited by Franz Boas (New York: American Folk-Lore Soceity, 1917); Oliver Wells The Chilliwacks and Their Neighbours (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987); Oliver Wells Myths and Legends of the STAW-loh Indians of South Western British Columbia (Sardis, 1970)

57. A great deal has been written on the topic of Stó:lô spirituality. See Pamela Amoss Coast Salish Spirit Dancing: The Survival of an Ancestral Religion (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1978); Wolfgang Jilek Indian Healing: Shamanic Ceremonialism in the Pacific Northwest Today, (Surrey: Hancock House, 1992); Michael Kew and Della Kew "'People Need Friends, It Makes Their Minds Strong': A Coast Salish Curing Rite", in The World is as Sharp as a Knife: An Anthology in Honour of Wilson Duff. Edited by Donald Abbott (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum, 1981); Michael Kew "Central and Southern Coast Salish Ceremonies Since 1900" in Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, Northwest Coast, edited by Wayne Suttles (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990); Kew, 1970; Wayne Suttles "Spirit Dancing and the Persistence of Native Culture among the Coast Salish" (1987) in Coast Salish Essays (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987) Pp. 199-208.

58. There are a number of excellent works which document Stó:lô culture in the later half of this century. See Crisca Bierwert Tracery in the Mistlines: A Semiotic Account of Sto:lo Culture. PhD Dissertation, University of Washington 1986; Oliver Wells The Chilliwacks and Their Neighbours (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987).